Political Hate Sites in Singapore: Flourishing without Repercussions

Download Full Report Political Hate Sites in Singapore: Flourishing without Repercussions explains how hate sites and internet brigades seek to maliciously negate the criticism of public officials and policy in Singapore. Targets of hate sites include activists, bloggers, civil society organisations, independent media outlets and journalists, human rights lawyers, and opposition political parties and politicians. Singapore, a one-party dominated state, has regularly updated and passed new legislation that criminalises criticism of its public officials and policies, leaving only a narrow margin for expressing dissenting views within the established legal boundaries. As a result, the government can repress opposition voices through the tight policing of political expression both offline and online. This includes blocking, removing, and delegitimising critical online content, as well as prosecuting content creators and distributors. This leads to the manipulation of the public narrative and fosters widespread self-censorship. Despite these measures, there is an underbelly of critical voices that continue to occupy the extremely limited space allowed by the law. In the last few years, these voices have experienced an increase in targeted attacks and hate speech by pro-government hate sites and internet brigades. Yet, public officials and technology companies remain silent about these hate sites and the coordinated inauthentic behaviour of internet brigades. Meanwhile, current laws and content moderation policies to protect them remain inadequate and insufficient. Hence, this report recommends the international community, UN bodies, Singapore parliament, political parties, tech companies, and civil society organisations to 1) monitor, document, and call out cases of online hate speech in Singapore; 2) use UN mechanisms to engage with the Singaporean government to address political hate speech and commit itself to international standards of freedom of expression; 3) advocate for the amendment of laws restricting freedom of expression; 4) develop new technology solutions to improve the detection of online hate speech; and 5) work cooperatively to consider everyone’s views in the development of new strategies to address online hate speech. This small cluster of critical voices is a manifestation of a larger, suppressed and silent resistance to the ruling regime in Singapore. Improved internet freedoms and safety to voice criticisms will provide the necessary valve to express democratic aspirations within Singapore society without risking any unnecessary and abrupt political upheavals.

The Threat of State-sponsored Disinformation to the Integrity of Election in Thailand

This podcast episode is part of the report “State-Sponsored Online Disinformation in Thailand: Impact on Electoral Integrity in Thailand”. The report examines government-backed disinformation campaigns, known as information operations, and assesses their impact on the integrity of elections. The report identifies key actions domestic and international state actors contribute to false information campaigns. Based on the evidence of information operations in Thailand and the absence of effective legal and non-legal measures to address them, the 2023 Thai General Election is expected to experience its share of state-sponsored disinformation over social media platforms. So what happened? This episode examines these issues. Our discussant for this episode is Akarachai Chaimaneekarakate, a Harvard Law School graduate. Akarachai is a Legal Fellow at Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR). The main focus of his work is to explore ways in which international human rights law can be used to promote and advance the protection of human rights in Thailand. Before TLHR, Akarachai worked as a legal advocate for refugees in Bangkok. He also worked with the Office of the Co-Prosecutors at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, focusing on prosecuting senior military officers in Cambodia accused of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

Burmanisation and Buddhisation: Accelerating the Decline of Religious Rights in Myanmar

Download Full Report Burmanisation and Buddhisation: Accelerating the Decline of Religious Rights in Myanmar exposes the rapid decline of religious rights among minority communities following the 2021 military coup. Burmanisation and Buddhisation, two policies that have shaped Myanmar’s identity landscape since the colonial era, are now justified as a response to ensure national security and address the threat of terrorism. Under this response, minority ethno-religious communities are being targeted as subversive forces to be dealt with. This results in four key impacts. One, ethno-religious communities are targeted with violence and military attacks to silence their calls for autonomy. Two, religious sites predominantly belonging to minority religions and communities are subject to damage, destruction, and occupation by the military and pro-military groups. Three, members of minority groups are arbitrarily detained based on religious affiliation, often subjected to practices that contravene their religious beliefs. Four, the report exposes the persecution of the Muslim Rohingya, who face ethnic cleansing, detention camp internment, and forced displacement. The report concludes with a set of recommendations to the international community, international non-governmental organisations and civil society organisations urging them to monitor, record, and report on religious-based rights violations while also exploring diplomatic channels to halt all forms of violence. 

ข้อมูลบิดเบือนออนไลน์โดยรัฐ: ผลกระทบต่อความสุจริตและสมบูรณ์ของการเลือกตั้งในประเทศไทย

ข้อมูลบิดเบือนออนไลน์โดยรัฐ: ผลกระทบต่อความสุจริตและสมบูรณ์ของการเลือกตั้งในประเทศไทย     เมื่อวันที่ 28 เมษายน 2563 สองอาทิตย์ก่อนหน้าการเลือกตั้งทั่วไป สถาบันวิจัยเอเชีย เซ็นเตอร์ ได้เปิดตัวรายงานเรื่อง “ข้อมูลบิดเบือนออนไลน์โดยรัฐ: ผลกระทบต่อความสุจริตและสมบูรณ์ของการเลือกตั้งในประเทศไทย” ที่ศึกษาการเผยแพร่ข้อมูลบิดเบือนออนไลน์โดยรัฐและประเมินผลกระทบต่อความสุจริตและเที่ยงธรรมของการเลือกตั้ง ในพอดแคสตอนนี้ เอเชีย เซ็นเตอร์ได้รับเกียตริจากคุณพรเพ็ญ คงขจรเกียรติ ที่จะมาพูดคุยในประเด็นข้อมูลบิดเบือนออนไลน์โดยรัฐและผลกระทบต่อการเลือกตั้งในไทยที่พึ่งผ่านพ้นไป คุณพรเพ็ญ คงขจรเกียรติ เป็นผู้อำนวยการมูลนิธิผสานวัฒนธรรม ซึ่งเป็นองค์กรที่ทำหน้าที่เฝ้าระวังและบันทึกเรื่องราวกรณีการทรมานและการปฏิบัติอันโหดร้ายในประเทศไทย คุณพรเพ็ญเป็นหนึ่งในแนวหน้าของผู้ที่ต่อสู้ด้านสิทธิมนุษยชนในประเทศไทย นอกจากนั้นแล้วคุณพรเพ็ญยังทำหน้าที่เป็นทนายความฝ่ายโจทก์ร่วมในคดีการหายตัวไปของ บิลลี่ พอละจี รักจงเจริญ นักปกป้องสิทธิมนุษยชนชาวกะเหรี่ยงบ้านโป่งลึก-บางกลอย On 28 April 2023, about 2 weeks before the Thai general elections, Asia Centre launched its report on Thailand. “State-Sponsored Online Disinformation: Impact on Election Integrity in Thailand” which examines four types of government-backed disinformation campaigns and assesses their impact on the integrity of elections.   Pornpen is the Executive Director of CrossCultural Foundation, an NGO that monitors and documents torture and inhumane treatments by the state in Thailand. She frontlines in fighting for human rights in the country and is currently the joint plaintiff’s attorney for the case of the disappearance of Billy Polaji, a Karen human rights defender from Ban Pong Luk-Bang Kroy.

FICA, One Year On: Impacts and Developments

In 2021, Singapore enacted the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act, known as FICA. On paper, it aims to protect Singaporean politics from foreign interference with two sets of provisions. The first provision targets information campaigns. This provision empowers the government to shut down organisations deemed to communicate “on behalf of a foreign principal” with the aim of manipulating Singapore’s domestic political discourse. The second provision concerns measures to counter local proxies or politically significant persons (known as PSPs). Under this provision, personalities suspected of being foreign agents can be monitored. The bill has raised several concerns, primarily due to its vague and broad definition of what constitutes foreign interference, which may be used to suffocate the country’s civic space and curb critical political engagement. In this podcast episode, Jolovan Wham discusses the impacts and developments of FICA after its introduction in 2021.   Jolovan Wham is a social worker and activist who works on issues concerning migrant workers, the death penalty, and civil and political rights. This podcast episode is part of the Foreign Interference Laws in Southeast Asia series, in partnership with the Japan NGO Centre for International Cooperation. To learn more about foreign interference laws, read Foreign Interference Laws in Southeast Asia: Deepening the Shrinkage of Civic Space.

State-Sponsored Online Disinformation: Impact On Electoral Integrity In Thailand

Download Full Report State-Sponsored Online Disinformation: Impact On Electoral Integrity In Thailand examines government-backed disinformation campaigns, known as information operations, and assesses their impact on the integrity of elections. The report identifies the actions of key domestic and international state actors that contribute to the false information campaigns. Based on the evidence of the existence of information operations in Thailand and the absence of effective legal and non-legal measures to address them, the 2023 Thai General Election is expected to experience its share of state-sponsored disinformation over social media platforms. The report identifies four types of information operations in Thailand that stand to impact electoral integrity: 1) using of state resources to create and disseminate pro-establishment content which promotes a positive image of the government, army and monarchy; 2) weaponising disinformation to harass politicians and activists from marginalised groups such as women, LGBT+ and ethno-religious minorities which obstructs their meaningful electoral participation; 3) distorting information related to the electoral process and discrediting selected political parties and their policies thereby depriving voters of alternative information for their decision-making; and 4) stirring hatred and exacerbate existing ideological divisions within society leading to extreme political polarisation. Given these issues, Asia Centre recommends relevant stakeholders take the following key actions: restrain from undertaking information operations, identify state agencies and report the type and targets of information operations, focus on providing voters with reliable and verified electoral information, and take measures to ensure electoral integrity through free and fair elections. These and other measures will help cast a light on state-sanctioned information operations with a view to addressing their impact on election integrity and political participation.  

Thai Law on NGOs: Will It Materialise?

In February 2021, the Thai Cabinet approved in principle the draft Act on the Operation of Not-for-profit Organisations. This law would enable Thai officials to unilaterally order the temporary or permanent closure of non-profit organisations that, through their actions, adversely affect Thailand’s relations with countries. The international community has condemned the draft law since it would systematically violate fundamental rights like freedom of association and freedom of expression of non-profit organisations. Additionally, its provisions would restrict the collaboration between local and foreign CSOs. After resistance and pushback from both domestic and international stakeholders, the draft law was temporarily put on hold. In this podcast episode, Kunthika Nutcharut talks to Asia Centre about what drove the momentum of this draft law and forecasts its future after the 2023 general election. Kunthika Nutcharut has been a lawyer since 2015. She moved back from abroad and chose to become a lawyer who helps young Thai political activists with cases related to freedom of expression. She is best known for her role as a criminal defense attorney, where she represents many of the leading political cases in Thailand at the moment. This podcast episode is part of the Foreign Interference Laws in Southeast Asia series, in partnership with the Japan NGO Centre for International Cooperation. To learn more about foreign interference laws, read Foreign Interference Laws in Southeast Asia: Deepening the Shrinkage of Civic Space.

The Law on Organisation Registration: its impact on Myanmar CSOs

In 2022, the Myanmar Junta enacted the new Law on Organisation Registration, repealing the previous Registration of Organisation Law 2014. This law regulates the registration of NGOs and INGOs. It affects, primarily, the latter. With the new law, at least 40% of the executive membership of an INGO must be made up of Myanmar citizens. Furthermore, it also expands the requirements an INGO must meet in order to operate in the country, such as obtaining approval of the relevant authorities regarding its intended programmes and activities. Observers believe that the law is part of the Junta’s attempt to restrict CSOs’ advocacy on human rights and reimplement the “4 cuts strategy” to undermine ethnic militias by cutting their access to food, funds, information and recruits. In this podcast episode, [name] talks to Asia Centre about the impact that the Law on Organisation Registration has for Myanmar CSOs’ advocacy on human rights. Thyn Zar Oo is a Resident Scholar at The Public Law Center (TPLC) at the Tulane University School of Law. Oo is the Co-Founder and Program Director of the Public Legal Aid Network (The PLAN) in Myanmar (Burma). With background in Industrial and Labor Relations, Project Administrations, Access to Justice and Rule of Law, Oo had more than twenty five years of private and public sector legal experience in Myanmar and Asia-Pacific. This podcast episode is part of the Foreign Interference Laws in Southeast Asia series, in partnership with the Japan NGO Centre for International Cooperation. To learn more about foreign interference laws, read Foreign Interference Laws in Southeast Asia: Deepening the Shrinkage of Civic Space.

Rhetoric of Foreign Interference in Cambodia’s 2023 General Election

The Royal Government of Cambodia has regularly used rhetoric of foreign interference to accuse members of civil society organisations and opposition political parties of collaborating with international actors to corrupt Cambodian society. For example, in 2017, Kem Sokha, former leader of the opposition party CNRP – which was dissolved by the Supreme Court in the same year – was arrested for treason, and accused of colluding with the United States to topple the Cambodian government. The ruling party has implemented several measures such as amending the constitution to ban Cambodians holding dual nationalities from holding high-ranking political positions, citing the need to strengthen national loyalty and restrict foreign interference. Against this backdrop, will the foreign interference bogeyman continue to be a central campaign rhetoric by the ruling party CPP in the upcoming general elections in July 2023? In this podcast episode, Chhengpor Aun talks to Asia Centre about foreign interference, elections, and politics in Cambodia. Chhengpor Aun is a graduate student at the Hertie School in Berlin, studying international relations and security. Until 2022, he was the deputy bureau chief for the Voice of America in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. A journalist for eight years, he covered Cambodian and Southeast Asian politics, China-U.S. competitions in the Indo-Pacific, and human rights. This podcast episode is part of the Foreign Interference Laws in Southeast Asia series, in partnership with the Japan NGO Centre for International Cooperation. To learn more about foreign interference laws, read Foreign Interference Laws in Southeast Asia: Deepening the Shrinkage of Civic Space.

Moving Beyond COVID-19 Restrictions in South Asia: Pushing Back Against Authoritarian Pandemic Governance

Download In South Asia, governments tended to adopt two approaches to contain the spread of the pandemic. The Maldives and Sri Lanka declared state of emergencies, while Bangladesh, India and Nepal relied on temporary health emergency laws. Regardless of the differences between these two approaches, all these measures restricted people’s civic freedoms, thus curbing democracy in the region. The policy brief “Moving Beyond COVID-19 Restrictions in South Asia: Pushing Back Against Authoritarian Pandemic Governance” makes an assessment of the impact of anti-COVID-19 legal measures on people’s fundamental rights in South Asia.  

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